— [http://goo.gl/EBrtcC] From a present-day standpoint, there is no doubt that AmE and BrE belong to the same language. They are varieties, it is true, but the differences should not be allowed to obscure their close similarity on many levels.
Thus, AmE can be understood as the form of English that is used in the United States, which comprises of the English dialects that are applied within the United States, and the English spoken abroad either as a native language or spoken by individuals using the language as ESL or EFL, influenced by a great input of AmE in today’s media. According to Svartvik and Leech (2006, p. 150), as well as David Crystal (2003, p. 60), more than two-thirds (83 per cent) of the world's native speakers of English live in the United States; “with four times as many native speakers as BrE” (Svartvik and Leech, 2006, p. 152).
On the other hand, BrE can be defined as the form of English that is used in the United Kingdom, including the English dialects that are utilized within and outside the UK; “outside,” understood as the English spoken among the former British colonies, also known as the Commonwealth English, and by individuals using it as ESL or EFL. As a matter of fact, the various differences between BrE and AmE entails those variations in terms of vocabulary (lexis), spelling, grammar and pronunciation.
— Vocabulary
A few of the different lexis well known on both sides of the Atlantic are: lift/elevator, dustbin/garbage can, biscuit/cookie, flat/apartment, sidewalk/pavement, yard/garden, rubber/eraser, trousers/pants, block of flats/apartment building.
Henry Louis Mencken, an American journalist and iconoclast, published a list of American-British differences in 1919; some of those words were bank account, hardware, living-room, to name a few (Mencken, 1919, pp. 99, 103, 106). These words are, however, totally normal in the UK today. An almost exhaustive list of words from the Harry Potter books, translated from BrE into AmE shows that the AmE words are not foreign words for Britons (Nel, 2002, pp. 262-284).
To put it short, the two versions of the English language do not differ from each other on this aspect nearly as much as do the dialectal spheres of the two varieties. The vocabulary of the two English varieties are different in some aspects, but the set of commonly used words that support communication and language learning is remarkably the same (Peyawary, 1997, pp. 115-144; Svartvik and Leech, 2006, p. 152).
— Spelling
One language change that took place in the Early Modern English period which affected spoken language as it is spoken today, and which is reflected in spelling, was the "The Great Vowel Shift." Beginning in the twelfth century and continuing until the eighteenth century (but with its main effects in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries) the sounds of the long stressed vowels in English changed their places of articulation. The result is the numerous set of "silent letters" that learners find so maddening (Svartvik & Leech, 2006, p. 61).
Noah Webster, the most distinguished linguists of the 19th century America, wanted to simplify these and other changes. He “devoted his life to giving [AmE] an identity of its own” (Svartvik and Leech, 2006, p. 154). "Just like accent, spelling can generally show certain aspects of the way we are" (Kongsuwannakul, 2011, p. 185). Webster believed that spelling reforms would contribute to the development of a national language. In 1783 he published a book that reflected his hopes: “The American Spelling Book.” However, he soon realized that English would not become isolated from the one used in Europe.
The reforms Webster promoted, in the first dictionary published in 1828, “An American Dictionary of the English Language,” reflected the practical/pragmatical and anti-elitist spirit of the American public and “led to one of the most conspicuous areas of divergence between [AmE and BrE] – differences of spelling” (Svartvik and Leech, 2006, p. 154).
Webster proposed numerous spelling changes in his work and these were widely adopted in the United States. Some of his spelling proposals were dropping the vowel “u” in words of more than one syllable ending in -our. Thus, words ending in -our in BrE, AmE omits the u: colour/color. Words like liter, -er in AmE is often equivalent to -re in BrE: centre/center. Some words spelled -ense in AmE have -ence in BrE: defense/defence. Other words, such as spelling women and business as “wimin” and “bizness,” were not embraced (Webster, 1829, p. 112).
Most of the changes Webster proposed were undeniable improvements, “but the reforms when adopted were more timid than Webster had intended: today, the vast majority of English words are still spelled the same in [AmE and BrE]” (Svartvik and Leech,, 2006, p. 154).
— Grammar
The subjunctive in AmE: “I insist that he come to my party”, whereas in BrE would sound: “I insist that he should come to my party.” The AmE uses an older model of English which has been renewed and currently being adopted by BrE (Svartvik and Leech, 2006, pp. 167-168). If one were to embark on a comparative study of English vs Spanish, one would discover that European Spanish prefers the compound tense the same way BrE does, while transatlantic Spanish uses the simple past tense. This gives us a historical perspective of how these languages developed in the New World — the Americas –North, Central, and South America, and the Caribbean.
The prevalent differences in grammar are tendencies rather than absolutes. In other words, one will not normally find a sentence which is totally grammatical in one of the varieties and completely ungrammatical in the other.
— Pronunciation
In GenAm the diphthong /oʊ/ or the single vowel /o:/ corresponds to the RP diphthong /əυ/ as it is illustrated with the word rose, RP: /rəʊz/ — GenAm: /roʊz/ (Svartvik and Leech, 2006, p. 163; Wells, 2000, p. 659).
A key difference between British and American speech is the flapping rule. This rule is widely applicable. In GenAm when t occurs between vowels, it is pronounced more lightly than in RP and tends to sound like a quick /d/. The flapping rule is a full-fledged, legitimate rule of AmE. In phonetics, this sound is called a "flap," or a ‘voiced tap,’ as in the words computer, water, better, put it on: /kɒm' pju: t̬ᵊr/ /'wɔ: t̬ᵊr/ /'bet̬ ᵊr/ /'pʊt̬ ɪt ɑːn/ (Svartvik and Leech, 2006, p. 164; Wells, 2000, pp. 162, 840, 78, 618, 533).
Another evident difference is in vowels; two examples will illustrate this aspect. In the example "pot," RP: /pɒt/ — GenAm: /pɑːt/, in the word "pot" there is an open back vowel, "o". The open back vowel in RP is a strong short vowel, short pronunciation /ɒ/, while the open back vowel in GA is a strong long vowel /ɑː/. The RP strong short vowel /ɒ/ does not exist in GA, which consistently uses the strong long vowel /ɑː/ in all instances where this sound occurs (Ladefoged, 2011. pp. 89-91; Wells, 2000, pp. 596).
Another aspect between BrE and AmE pronunciation is the yod-dropping, although there is evidence that GenAm is replacing RP in this area as well (Glain, 2012, pp. 21-22). This difference is illustrated with the word: “new.” RP: /njuː/ — GenAm: /nuː/. The pronunciation differences between RP and GenAm is that in RP "new" is pronounced in a stressed syllable. In GenAm there is the elision of "e" /j/ before [uː]. The dropping of /j/ is considered standard in AmE after "n" [n] /n/ because the AmE rule is that one drops the [j] after alveolar consonants [t], [d], [n], [l] (Wells, 2000, p. 510).
One more significant difference regarding pronunciation between the two varieties, except Scottish English, is namely, the rhotic r. The following word will be used as example: “park.” RP: /pɑːk/ — GenAm: /pɑːrk/. English pronunciation in RP or GenAm are either non-rhotic or rhotic. A rhotic accent or pronunciation (GenAm) is one where [r] can be heard in all the places where there is the following sequences: rV, VrV, and Vr, where "V" is any vowels, and a non-rhotic accent (RP) can only have rV and VrV.
So in a non-rhotic accent, RP, this phoneme [r] only occurs if the next sound is a vowel. It is limited to prevocalic positions - this means that there is no [r] at the end of a word, as in "car", or before a consonant, as in "park" as shown above. While in a rhotic accent, GenAm, the [r] is heard in "park" because [r] does not need a following vowel, /r/ /pɑːrk/ as shown above (Roach, 2009, p. 70; Wells, 2000, p. 557; Svartvik and Leech, 2006, pp. 163-164).
— Choosing Between the Two Varieties and be consistent
If the learners are Norwegian children and adolescents, it is still true as this is required by the Norwegian English subject curriculum. English is a compulsory subject in Norwegian schools in both primary and lower and upper-secondary-school classes. As part of the school subject, students (pupils, in BrE) are introduced to culture, history and literature areas of the English-speaking world, with focus on Great Britain and the United States, and other English-speaking countries (KUF1994, 1996, p. 4).
One of the greatest aspects of the Norwegian English subject curriculum is that it does not impose English varieties, but rather encourages diversity. Students get familiar with different dialects, starting during the second year of primary school.
Written in British English, the English subject curriculum requires children be acquainted with "the day-to-day life of children in English-speaking countries" and "participate in and experience children’s culture from English-speaking countries." As they advance learning, they should "give some examples of English-speaking countries," [...] "narrate about people, places and events in English-speaking countries," [...] "discuss and elaborate on different types of English literature, [...] on culture and social conditions, [...] on the way people live and how they socialise in Great Britain, USA and other English-speaking countries" (LK06, 2013, pp. 6-11).
One key tool students will use when learning English is "listen to and understand variations of English from different authentic situations." “Variations of English” and “authentic situations” are the keywords here. As exemplified above, there is no formal English pronunciation requirement as a school subject, but the teaching of English is still to a large extent based on BrE. Although, other varieties, especially AmE has become more popular during the last years.
Among Scandinavian learners, RP is considered the most prestigious model of pronunciation, while GenAm is associated with informality, but this trend is changing. (Ladegaard, 2006, pp. 93-94; Coupland and Bishop, 2007, pp. 82-83). Even though speakers of AmE have been considered moderately prestigious and not very socially attractive, it has been argued that GenAm is replacing the dominance previously held by RP, and attribute this attitude shift to American global hegemony (Bayard et al, 2001, pp. 41-44).
Teachers’ predominant attitudes towards different English varieties are undeniable reflected in their teaching but learners should be allowed to use whatever English variety they see fit, be it BrE, AmE, Australian, Jamaican, South African English (SAE), or a mixture, also known in modern times as Internet English, or put it more elegant: "The English Language in the Digital Age" (Ananiadou et al., 2011, pp. 13-14) and if they want to use it consistently, they should not forget that dialects evolve; “consistence” is not equated with “a fixed language.”
Because of its adaptability, English has evolved into an incredibly versatile and reinvigorating language. Learners, through their interactions with different speakers in society, or when coming into contact with people from different geographical places, encounter new words, expressions and pronunciations, which they integrate into their own speech.
— Is it more appropriate for Europeans to learn British or American English?
Today, the American culture or Americanization, everywhere, is undeniable. Clearly, “[w]orld English is influenced by AmE not only through educational channels, but through other channels of communication, such as TV networks, movies, the internet and popular culture disseminated through the new digital media” (Svartvik and Leech, 2006, p. 152).
On deciding whether to learn BrE or AmE, Europeans should bear in mind that pronunciation or accents are intimately bound to one's identity and personality. Therefore, it should be their choice how they wish to present themselves to others when speaking English. Furthermore, Europeans' preference for a particular English-speaking culture would be associated with the preference for the English variety of that culture.
Non-native English speakers' attachment to their native language reflects the paramount role it plays regarding their identity and it might explain why some speakers are reluctant to adopt native speaker English accents (Jenkins, 2005, pp. 537-539, 541; Levis, 2005, pp. 373-375).
— Conclusion
When examining the main standardized varieties of AmE and BrE, we conclude that both varieties are very similar in grammar; the way in which words of both varieties are spelt, show close resemblance; in vocabulary, there exist differences in some areas, but these distinctions in words do not lead to significant misunderstandings; in pronunciation they are clearly different, especially when we assess all dialectal varieties on both sides of the Atlantic.
On the whole, BrE and AmE are mutually intelligible (Svartvik & Leech, 2006, p. 157). Certainly, English has been codified in books such as dictionaries “accepted as authoritative [...] and the teaching of English reading and writing in schools,” explaining how it should be used in practice and how it works (Svartvik and Leech, 2006, p. 67) but any attempt to fix the language has been futile.

• [1] Ananiadou, Sophia, John McNaught, Paul Thompson (2011). The English Language in the Digital Age. White Paper Series. Web. META-NET
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• [3] Bayard, Donn, Cynthia Gallois, Ann Weatherall and Jeffery Pittam. 2001. ‘Pax Americana? Accent attitudinal evaluations in New Zealand, Australia and America.’ Journal of Sociolinguistics 5: 22–49.
• [4] Coupland, Nikolas and Hywel Bishop (2007). ‘Ideologised values for British accents.’ Journal of Sociolinguistics 11/1: 74–93.
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• [7] Glain, Olivier (2012). THE YOD /j/: PALATALISE IT OR DROP IT! How Traditional Yod Forms are Disappearing from Contemporary English. Université Jean Monnet – IUT de Roanne. Université Jean Moulin – Lyon 3.
• [8] Jenkins, Jennifer. 2005. ‘Implementing an International Approach to English Pronunciation: The Role of Teacher Attitudes and Identity.’ TESOL Quarterly 39 (3): 535-543.
• [9] Ladegaard, Hans J. and Itesh Sachdev (2006). ‘I like the Americans...but I certainly don’t aim for an American accent’: Language attitudes, vitality and foreign language learning in Denmark.’ Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 27:91–108. DOI: 10.1080/01434630608668542
• [10] Levis, John M. 2005. ‘Changing Contexts and Shifting Paradigms in Pronunciation Teaching.’ TESOL Quarterly 39 (3): 369-377.
• [11] Lippi-Green, Rosina (2012). English with an Accent: Language, ideology, and discrimination in the United States (2nd. edition). Routledge. ISBN: 978–0–415–55910–2
• [12] LK06, ‘English subject curriculum,’ revised version (Aug. 2013); The Norwegian LK06, in English; The Norwegian LK06, in Norwegian. Utdanningsdirektoratet (Norwegian Ministry of Education and Research).
• [13] Kachru Yamuna, and Cecil L. Nelson (2006). World Englishes in Asian Context. Hong Kong University Press. ISBN-13:978-962-209-755-1
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• [15] KUF. 1994. Reform 94. ‘Videregående Opplæring’. [‘Reform of the Structure and Content of Upper Secondary Education.’] Oslo, Norway: Kirke-, utdannings- og forskningsdepartementet.
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• [17] Ladefoged, Peter, and Keith Johnson (2011). A Course in Phonetics (6th. edition). Wadsworth, Cengage Learning. ISBN-13: 9781428231269
• [18] Mencken, Henry Louis (1919). The American language; a preliminary inquiry into the development of English in the United States (1st. edition). New York, Alfred A. Knopf.
• [19] Nel, Philip (2002). “You Say ‘Jelly,’ I Say ‘Jello’?: Harry Potter and the Transfiguration of Language.” The Ivory Tower and Harry Potter, ed. Lana Whited; University of Missouri Press.
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• [21] Peyawary, Ahmad Shah (1997). ‘The Core Vocabulary of International English: A Corpus Approach.’ University of Manitoba Winnipeg, Canada. National Library of Canada.
• [22] Roach, Peter (2009). English Phonetics and Phonology: A practical course (4th. edition). Cambridge University Press.
• [23] Svartvik, Jan, and Geoffrey Leech. English - One Tongue, Many Voices , Palgrave Macmillan. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire [England: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006]. ISBN-13:978–1–4039–1829–1
• [24] Webster, Noah (1829). The American spelling book: containing the rudiments of the English language, for the use of schools in the United States. New Brunswick, N.J.: Terhune & Letson.
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• [1] Trudgill, Peter (1999 [2011]). Standard English: what it isn’t. In Tony Bex & Richard J. Watts eds. Standard English: the widening debate. London: Routledge, 1999, 117-128.
Cite: (APA) Madeira, Benjamin (2015). "Differences between British and American English". Retrieved on (place month here) (place date here), (place year here), from http://www.benjaminmadeira.com/2015/03/british-american-english.html
Cite: (MLA) Madeira, Benjamin. "Differences between British and American English ", 2015. Web. < http://www.benjaminmadeira.com/2015/03/british-american-english.html >. Retrieved on (place month here) (place date here), (place year here).
Cite: (CHICAGO) Madeira, Benjamin, "Differences between British and American English ", 2015, accessed (place month here) (place date here), (place year here), http://www.benjaminmadeira.com/2015/03/british-american-english.html .
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